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Saturday, 26 September 2026 · Pan-African Newsroom
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Africa Has 54 UN Votes but No Permanent Security Council Seat. At UNGA81, Leaders Want That to Change

African leaders have renewed their push for permanent representation on the UN Security Council at UNGA81, reviving a reform campaign built around the African Union’s Ezulwini Consensus.

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African leaders have used the 81st United Nations General Assembly to renew a longstanding demand: permanent African representation on the UN Security Council, whose five permanent members have remained unchanged since the United Nations was established in 1945.

The campaign is not a new collection of individual national demands. The African Union has maintained a common negotiating position for more than two decades through the Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration.

Under that position, Africa seeks no fewer than two permanent Security Council seats with all the prerogatives and privileges of permanent membership, including veto rights for as long as the veto remains part of the Council, as well as five non-permanent seats. The African Union also maintains that Africa’s representatives should be selected by the AU.

The African Union Commission reaffirmed that position in May, while a 2026 UN intergovernmental-negotiations document setting out the African model records the same demands.

Why Africa says the current structure is outdated

Africa has 54 United Nations member states but no permanent member of the Security Council. African countries do hold elected non-permanent seats, but those terms last two years and do not carry veto power.

The five permanent members — China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States — reflect the post-Second World War structure from which the United Nations emerged. Each can veto substantive Council resolutions.

The AU argues that this structure no longer reflects contemporary demographic and geopolitical realities, particularly given the frequency with which African peace and security questions appear on the Council’s agenda.

The veto question is more nuanced than it appears

The African position on veto power is sometimes reduced to a demand for new vetoes. The Ezulwini framework is more specific: Africa opposes the veto in principle, but argues that if it continues to exist, new African permanent members should receive the same rights as existing permanent members.

That principle is intended to prevent a reformed Council from creating a second tier of permanent membership in which new members have fewer powers than the original five.

Who would occupy Africa’s permanent seats?

The common African position deliberately separates the demand for seats from the question of which countries would occupy them. The AU maintains the right to select Africa’s representatives for election through the General Assembly.

Several African states have significant diplomatic profiles and have at different times been discussed in international debates about Council reform. But no allocation of hypothetical permanent African seats has been agreed, and treating particular countries as established candidates would go beyond the continental position.

Why reform remains difficult

Security Council reform is not achieved by a political declaration alone. Changes to the Council’s composition require amendment of the UN Charter, which sets a demanding threshold for adoption and ratification.

That means broad support for greater African representation does not automatically translate into agreement on the number of seats, categories of membership, regional allocation, veto rights or the final composition of an enlarged Council.

The UN Secretary-General has repeatedly supported correcting Africa’s lack of permanent representation, while the African Union has sought to convert wider acknowledgement of the imbalance into a negotiated institutional change.

UNGA81 puts the question back on the table

This week’s interventions at UNGA81 have returned the issue to the centre of Africa’s global-governance agenda. The renewed push comes as African governments are also seeking greater influence in international decisions on development finance, climate, technology, energy and economic governance.

The immediate significance is therefore not that permanent African seats are imminent. It is that the continent continues to negotiate from an established common position while pressure grows for international institutions created in the mid-twentieth century to reflect the distribution of states and populations in the twenty-first.

References


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